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Because of generalization, stimuli similar to naturally disgusting or appealing objects will, by association, evoke some disgust or liking. Normally desirable foods, such as fudge, are unappealing when shaped to resemble dog feces (Rozin et al. Adults with childlike facial features (round face, large forehead, small chin, large eyes) are perceived as having childlike warmth, submissiveness, and naivetй (Berry & McArthur, 1986). Confronted by a pit bull, your heart may race; confronted by a golden retriever, it probably will not. But Robert Rescorla and Allan Wagner (1972) showed that an animal can learn the predictability of an event. If a shock always is preceded by a tone, and then may also be preceded by a light that accompanies the tone, a rat will react with fear to the tone but not to the light. Although the light is always followed by the shock, it adds no new information; the tone is a better predictor. Such experiments help explain why classical conditioning treatments that ignore cognition often have limited success. For example, people receiving therapy for alcohol dependency may be given alcohol spiked with a nauseating drug. If classical conditioning were merely a matter of "stamping in" stimulus associations, we might hope so, and to some extent this does occur (as we will see in Chapter 15). However, the awareness that the nausea is induced by the drug, not the alcohol, often weakens the association between drinking alcohol and feeling sick. Dennett, Consciousness Explained, 1991 Biological Predispositions Ever since Charles Darwin, scientists have assumed that all animals share a common evolutionary history and thus commonalities in their makeup and functioning. Pavlov and Watson, for example, believed the basic laws of learning were essentially similar in all animals. Moreover, it seemed that any natural response could be conditioned to any neutral stimulus. As learning researcher Gregory Kimble proclaimed in 1956, "Just about any activity of which the organism is capable can be conditioned and. Twenty-five years later, Kimble (1981) humbly acknowledged that "half a thousand" scientific reports had proven him wrong. Taste aversion If you became violently ill after eating mussels, you probably would have a hard time eating them again. This learning occurs readily because our biology prepares us to learn taste aversions to toxic foods. John Garcia was among those who challenged the prevailing idea that all associations can be learned equally well. While researching the effects of radiation on laboratory animals, Garcia and Robert Koelling (1966) noticed that rats began to avoid drinking water from the plastic bottles in radiation chambers. Two startling findings emerged: First, even if sickened as late as several hours after tasting a particular novel flavor, the rats thereafter avoided that flavor. Second, the sickened rats developed aversions to tastes but not to sights or sounds. But it made adaptive sense, because for rats the easiest way to identify tainted food is to taste it. If you become violently ill four hours after eating contaminated mussels, you will probably develop an aversion to the taste of mussels but not to the sight of the associated restaurant, its plates, the people you were with, or the music you heard there. In contrast, birds, which hunt by sight, appear biologically primed to develop aversions to the sight of tainted food (Nicolaus et al. In the real world, observes Domjan (2005), conditioned stimuli have a natural association with the unconditioned stimuli they predict. In human females, enhanced blood flow produces the red blush of flirtation and sexual excitation. As the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer (17881860) once said, important ideas are first ridiculed, then attacked, and finally taken for granted. It is also a good example of experiments that began with the discomfort of some laboratory animals and ended by enhancing the welfare of many others.
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The standards by which judges crown Miss Universe hardly apply to the whole When Neanderthals fall in love. Moreover, the current concept of attractiveness in Morocco, Kenya, and Scandinavia may well change in the future. Rather, beauty is in the eye of the culture-our standards for beauty reflect our time and place. Hoping to look attractive, people in different cultures have pierced their noses, lengthened their necks, bound their feet, and dyed or painted their skin and hair. They have gorged themselves to achieve a full figure or liposuctioned fat to achieve a slim one, applied chemicals hoping to rid themselves of unwanted hair or to regrow wanted hair, strapped on leather garments to make their breasts seem smaller or surgically filled their breasts with silicone and put on Wonderbras to make them look bigger. But the result of the beauty race since 1970 has been that more and more women feel unhappy with their appearance (Feingold & Mazella, 1998). Some aspects of attractiveness, however, do cross place and time (Cunningham et al. As we noted in Chapter 4, men in 37 cultures, from Australia to Zambia, judge women as more attractive if they have a youthful appearance. Women feel attracted to healthy-looking men, but especially to those who seem mature, dominant, and affluent. People everywhere also seem to prefer physical features-noses, legs, physiques- that are neither unusually large nor small. In one clever demonstration of this, Judith Langlois and Lori Roggman (1990) digitized the faces of up to 32 college students and used a computer to average them. Students judged the averaged, composite faces as more attractive than 96 percent of the individual faces. One reason is that averaged faces are symmetrical, and people David Perrett/University of St. Courtesy: Everett Collection with symmetrical faces and bodies are more sexually attractive (Rhodes et al. Merge either half of your face with its mirror image and your symmetrical new face would boost your attractiveness a notch. Cultural standards aside, attractiveness also depends on our feelings about the person. If led to believe that someone has appealing traits (such as being honest, humorous, and polite rather than rude, unfair, and abusive) people perceive the person as more physically attractive (Lewandowski et al. As we see our loved ones again and again, their physical imperfections grow less noticeable and their attractiveness grows more apparent (Beaman & Klentz, 1983; Gross & Crofton, 1977). To some it looked like "lawn furniture" or "a giant prehistoric insect" (Gladwell, 2005). For example, as you get to know someone better, is the chemistry better if you are opposites or if you are alike? The stories delight us by expressing what we seldom experience, for we tend not to like dissimilar people (Rosenbaum, 1986). Friends and couples are far more likely to share common attitudes, beliefs, and interests (and, for that matter, age, religion, race, education, intelligence, smoking behavior, and economic status) than are randomly paired people. Journalist Walter Lippmann was right to suppose that love is best sustained "when the lovers love many things together, and not merely each other. Proximity, attractiveness, and similarity are not the only determinants of attraction. When we believe someone likes us, we feel good and respond to them warmly, which leads them to like us even more (Curtis & Miller, 1986). In 2004, John Kerry was seen as open minded and George Bush as loyal and sincere, and each was favored by voters who saw those traits in themselves (Caprara et al. When a person lives or works in close proximity with someone else, it costs less time and effort to develop the friendship and enjoy its benefits. Attractive people are aesthetically pleasing, and associating with them can be socially rewarding. Romantic Love © Jason Love 13: How does romantic love typically change as time passes? Occasionally, people move quickly from initial impressions, to friendship, to the more intense, complex, and mysterious state of romantic love. Elaine Hatfield (1988) distinguishes two types of love: temporary passionate love and a more enduring companionate love.
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But also observe their total frustration when they find one of these high-tech activities beyond their grasp. They are particularly vulnerable here, with too much failure undermining their self-esteem. Language development can be a special source of both feelings of self-worth and inadequacy. Some Rational children can be linguistically precocious, learning to read long before they go to school, and talking very early with a large vocabulary. But just as many can appear slow in this matter-Einstein, for example, refused to talk until he was able to say whole sentences, and his parents worried about his intelligence. Such fears spring from their vivid imagination, an imagination which taunts them with all manner of terrible consequences that might follow on the heals of any incompetent action. This is why 272 Parenting being spanked is so deeply violating to Rationals; they see this abuse of their body as an unforgivable assault on their autonomy, and their indignation is extreme and permanent. Rational kids want to think, act, feel for themselves, to be independent and self-sufficient, to figure things out for themselves, to go their own way. Even by the age of two this is the case, and their requirement for autonomy increases geometrically as the years go by, so that by the late teens even their financial dependency on their parents is irksome to them. Rational children are individuals in every sense from birth on, and the concern of many parents is how to get this little individualist to join the family in its routines, that is, its rituals, ceremonies, and customs. Family routines are arbitrary and as such are bound to be questioned by the budding Rational. So routinizing a Rational child is not a task to take on lightly, because such a little individual will never become completely routinized. And being in receipt of such trifles does not bolster their self-confidence in the least. All types of very young children can be stubborn in insisting on their demands, and of course all types of children can develop willpower, but that does not mean that they all base their self-confidence on their willpower. If the manipulation of a switch or button is accompanied by a sight or sound or movement of any kind, the little manipulator can be entertained for long periods of time, learning how to control these intriguing causes of predictable response. For this is what I call the "Knowledge Seeking Personality," with know-how at first more important than know-about, but both more important than anything else. These are the children who must take things apart and then must put them back together again. These are the children who have to think before they act, who deliberate on what they are to do, especially if they have been asked or advised or commanded by an adult. These are the children who require of themselves that what they do is informed by their own knowledge. Parents do well to be patient and to provide their Rational children with answers to their questions, but also to give them abundant opportunities to experiment, to find out, to develop their own answers. Shutting off investigation is likely to occasion disobedience, whether overt or covert. And the fascination lasts long after children of other types have turned their attention elsewhere. Where Guardian children, and later Guardian adults, trust authority, despite its occasional deficiency, Rational children remember every instance in which authority fails to be trustworthy, so that by their teens there has grown in many of them an active and permanent distrust in authority, and in some cases a large measure of contempt. Neither do Rational children put much trust in their intuition, as do Idealists, nor in their impulses, as do Artisans. For their part, Rationals learn to have more and more trust in reason as the basis of action. By adolescence trust in reason has become an absolute in the case of any thorough-going Rational. Admittedly, such an attitude is often a source of annoyance to their parents and teachers. Rational children will go along with a parent or teacher only if their demands makes sense, and they quickly lose respect for those who are not reasonable in their rules and reprimands. But the calm exterior conceals a yearning for achievement that all too often can turn into obsession. As is the case with adult Rationals, all else becomes unimportant to these children once in the pursuit of achievement, once caught in the grip of accomplishing some goal. Also, once they achieve something, that level of achievement immediately becomes standard for them. Once calm and focused, they now become overly tense and high-strung, impatient with everything and everyone around them.
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Aunt Pearl, not Loftus, had found the body (Loftus & Ketcham, 1994; Monaghan, 1992). And that makes her wary of those whom she sees as trivializing real abuse by suggesting uncorroborated traumatic experiences, then accepting them uncritically as fact. The enemies of the truly victimized are not only those who prey and those who deny, she says, but those whose writings and allegations "are bound to lead to an increased likelihood that society in general will disbelieve the genuine cases of childhood sexual abuse that truly deserve our sustained attention" (Loftus, 1993). Rather, such experiences are typically etched on the mind as vivid, persistent, haunting memories (Porter & Peace, 2007). Improving Memory 12: How can an understanding of memory contribute to more effective study techniques? Much as biology benefits medicine and botany benefits agriculture, so can the psychology of memory benefit education. Sprinkled throughout this chapter and summarized here for easy reference are concrete suggestions for improving memory. To memorize specific facts or figures, suggests Thomas Landauer (2001), "rehearse the name or number you are trying to memorize, wait a few seconds, rehearse again, wait a little longer, rehearse again, then wait longer still and rehearse yet again. Speed-reading (skimming) complex material-with minimal rehearsal-yields little retention. To build a network of retrieval cues, take text and class notes in your own words. Without such cues, you may find yourself stuck when a question uses phrasing different from the rote forms you memorized. Do not schedule back-to-back study times for topics that are likely to interfere with each other, such as Spanish and French. During sleep, the brain organizes and consolidates information for long-term memory. Take practice tests; the study guides that accompany many texts, including this one, are a good source for such tests. Thinking and memory Most of what we know is not the result of efforts to memorize. Actively thinking as we read, by rehearsing and relating ideas, yields the best retention. Mentally re-create the situation and the mood in which your original learning occurred. Our capacity for storing information permanently in long-term memory is essentially unlimited. The AtkinsonShiffrin classic three-stage memory model (encoding, storage, and retrieval) suggests that we (1) register fleeting sensory memories, some of which are (2) processed into on-screen short-term memories, a tiny fraction of which are (3) encoded for long-term memory and, possibly, later retrieval. Contemporary memory researchers note that we also register some information automatically, bypassing the first two stages. And they prefer the term working memory (rather than short-term memory) to emphasize the active processing in the second stage. Researchers are exploring memory-related changes within and between single neurons. Stress triggers hormonal changes that arouse brain areas and can produce indelible memories. Explicit (declarative) memories of general knowledge, facts, and experiences are processed by the hippocampus. Implicit (nondeclarative) memories of skills and conditioned responses are processed by other parts of the brain, including the cerebellum. Automatic processing happens unconsciously, as we absorb information (space, time, frequency, well-learned material) in our environment. Effortful processing (of meaning, imagery, organization) requires conscious attention and deliberate effort. The spacing effect is our tendency to retain information more easily if we practice it repeatedly (spaced study) than if we practice it in one long session (massed practice, or cramming). The serial position effect is our tendency to recall the first item (the primacy effect) and the last item (the recency effect) in a long list more easily than we recall the intervening items. Recall is the ability to retrieve information not in conscious awareness; a fill-in-the-blank question tests recall. Recognition is the ability to identify items previously learned; a multiplechoice question tests recognition.
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Superb executives, they mobilize their forces into smooth-functioning systems, planning in advance, keeping both short-term and long-range objectives well in mind. More than any other type they are skilled at reducing bureaucracy in any of its forms, and they are willing to dismiss employees who cannot get with the program and increase their efficiency. Although Fieldmarshals are tolerant of some established procedures, they can and will abandon any procedure when it can be shown to be ineffective in accomplishing its goal. Fieldmarshals are the supreme pragmatists, always aware of the relationship of means to ends. Any procedure the objective of which is no longer pursued is instantly eliminated and its users reassigned to more productive actions. Fieldmarshals take full command at home, leaving little doubt about who makes the decisions. Male or female, they expect a great deal of their mates, who, if not to be steamrolled, need to possess a strong personality of their own, a well-developed autonomy, many and varied interests, and a healthy self-esteem. He might expect his mate to be active in civic and community affairs, to be socially sophisticated, and to continue her education. Also in their parenting role, Fieldmarshals are thoroughly in command, and their children will know what is expected of them-and will be expected to obey. While " Rational Role Variants-The Mastermind 199 both mating and parenting are highly important to the Fieldmarshals, these roles must sometimes take a back seat to their strong career drive, and to the enormous amount of time they spend on the job. All sorts of contingencies are bound to arise when any complex project is undertaken, from planning a family. Such operations involve many, many steps, each of which must be coordinated to follow one another in a necessary progression, and each of which can be subject to unforeseen problems. Masterminds are able to grasp how each step necessitates or entails the next, and to prepare alternatives for difficulties that are likely to arise. Their point of view is pragmatic, skeptical, relativistic, focused on spatial intersections and intervals of time. Intellectually, they are prone to practice strategy far more than diplomacy, tactics, and especially logistics. And because they are reserved around others they seem more comfortable in the role variant of Mastermind than Fieldmarshal. Once in charge, however, they are thoroughgoing pragmatists, seeing reality as nothing more than a chess board for working out and refining their strategies. When planning, the Mastermind is completely open-minded and will entertain any idea holding promise of utility. Thus authority based on degrees, credentials, title, or celebrity does not impress them, nor do slogans or catchwords. They will adopt ideas only if they are useful, which is to say if they work efficiently toward accomplishing well-defined goals. Masterminds tend to be much more self-confident than other Rationals, having usually developed a very strong will. Decisions come easily to them; indeed, they can hardly rest until they have things settled and decided. Ideas seem to carry their own force for them, although they subject every idea to the test of usefulness. These traits of character lead them to occupations where theoretical models can be translated into actuality. They build data and human systems wherever they work, if given the slightest opportunity. These seclusive Coordinators usually rise to positions of responsibility, for they work long and hard and are steady in their pursuit of goals, sparing neither their own time and effort nor that of their colleagues and employees. They tend, ordinarily, to verbalize the positive and to eschew comments of a negative nature; they are more interested in moving an organization forward than dwelling on mistakes of the past. However, they can become single-minded at times, which can be a weakness in their careers, for by focusing so tightly on their own pursuits they can ignore the points of view and wishes of others. Masterminds are certain that both internal and external consistency are indispensable in the well-run organization, and if they encounter problems of overlapping functions, duplication of effort, inefficient paper flow, and waste of human and material resources, they are quick to realign operations to the forgotten goal. And on the job, because of their tendency to drive others as hard as they drive themselves, they often seem demanding and difficult to satisfy.
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Integrated weighted gene co-expression network analysis with an application to chronic fatigue syndrome. Does hypocortisolism predict a poor response to cognitive behavioural therapy in chronic fatigue syndrome? Meta-analysis and meta-regression of hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis activity in functional somatic disorders. Elevated cerebrospinal fluid levels of substance p in patients with the fibromyalgia syndrome. Antibody responses to Epstein-Barr virus, human herpesvirus 6 and human herpesvirus 7 in patients with chronic fatigue syndrome. Distinct cerebrospinal fluid proteomes differentiate post-treatment Lyme disease from chronic fatigue syndrome. Naloxone-mediated activation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis in chronic fatigue syndrome. Blunted adrenocorticotropin and cortisol responses to corticotropin-releasing hormone stimulation in chronic fatigue syndrome. Chronic fatigue syndrome after human parvovirus B19 infection without persistent viremia. Epidemic neuromyasthenia; an outbreak of poliomyelitislike illness in student nurses. Impaired natural immunity, cognitive dysfunction, and physical symptoms in patients with chronic fatigue syndrome: Preliminary evidence for a subgroup? A comparison of sex-specific immune signatures in gulf war illness and chronic fatigue syndrome. Are fatigue symptoms and chronic fatigue syndrome following Q fever infection related to psychosocial variables? Serologic and virologic epidemiology of Epstein-Barr virus: Relevance to chronic fatigue syndrome. Autoantibodies against muscarinic cholinergic receptor in chronic fatigue syndrome. The effect of acclydine in chronic fatigue syndrome: A randomized controlled trial. A review of hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis function in chronic fatigue syndrome. Combined dexamethasone/corticotropin-releasing factor test in chronic fatigue syndrome. Pain inhibition and postexertional malaise in myalgic encephalomyelitis/chronic fatigue syndrome: An experimental study. Evaluation of autoantibodies to common and neuronal cell antigens in chronic fatigue syndrome. Postinfective fatigue syndrome is not associated with altered cytokine production. High frequency of autoantibodies to insoluble cellular antigens in patients with chronic fatigue syndrome. Response to valganciclovir in chronic fatigue syndrome patients with human herpesvirus 6 and Epstein-Barr virus IgG antibody titers. The relationship between pain, neuropsychological performance, and physical function in communitydwelling older adults with chronic low back pain. Sleep, Epstein-Barr virus infection, musculoskeletal pain, and depressive symptoms in chronic fatigue syndrome. The London fibromyalgia epidemiology study: the prevalence of fibromyalgia syndrome in London, Ontario. Incidence, risk and prognosis of acute and chronic fatigue syndromes and psychiatric disorders after glandular fever. Natural killer cells and natural killer cell activity in chronic fatigue syndrome. The American College of Rheumatology preliminary diagnostic criteria for fibromyalgia and measurement of symptom severity.
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And while they were trying to extinguish the flames she ran on a rock, blew up, and drifted ashore just below Hooghly. At the end of her essay Woolf characterizes Cameron briskly as having been "caustic and candid of tongue [. In both Freshwater and the biographical essay of Victorian Photographs, Cameron is presented as an eccentric, ambitious, imperious, even despotic woman. There were only two hundred forty copies printed in the first edition of Victorian Photographs. Once they sold out, the book remained out of print until a second edition was published in 1973, at which time twenty photographs were added to the original two dozen she had chosen. There are no photos from the Illustrations included in the original edition of the book, 115 though Tristram Powell added "The Death of Elaine" (fig. The images that Woolf originally chose for Victorian Photographs - with the exception of four "allegorical" images enacted by women are all portraits, most of them of men. Watts," "Joseph Joachim," "Professor Jowett," "Charles Darwin," "Thomas Carlyle," "Joseph D. The advent of a second devastating war, which motivated her anti-war polemic Three Guineas, prepared the way for this revision. Her last two works, Between the Acts and "Anon," show a new understanding of the role of the solitary artist and the power of theatrical performance. She envisioned memory and time as searchlights: the Years opens with the observation that, "Slowly wheeling, like the rays of a searchlight, the days, the weeks, the years passed one after another across the sky" (4). In her diary, Woolf describes the preparations for war as a "dress rehearsal" that was "complete" in 1939: "Museums shut. She converted the wartime searchlight that invaded the night sky into a peacetime instrument of visionary capability in her fiction. She finished the final version of Between the Acts along with "The Searchlight" while transforming the beams of war that crisscrossed overhead as agents of inspiration and connection. She practiced an imaginative creativity in her nonfiction writing; a technique which she believed brought her closer to the heart of "truth" than reporting only empirical evidence ever could. Since all versions of the story focus on the life-changing experience of seeing, her numerous revisions show her appreciation for the power of visual images. Though Freshwater and Victorian Photographs both contain vivid portraits of the photographer as she existed in society, they do not study her aims, motivations, and the oscillations of her moods nor her accomplishments. Woolf melts away the barriers between herself and Cameron most successfully in "The Searchlight," a journey which can be traced through the evolution of the successive draft versions. Paradoxically, it is by ultimately eliminating Cameron from the story that Woolf came to understand her life as an artist most deeply. She read his description of how, as a young man he had lived in the North of England with his parents in "an old square ivy-covered border tower" at Witton-le-Wear, on the edge of Scotland. The tower was surrounded by desolate moors, which increased his sense of isolation. Taylor writes, however, that he found "something exciting in the sense of solitude" (qtd. At one point, his parents away on a trip for three weeks, he was left alone in the tower: All the day long I saw no one but the servants, except that I sometimes looked through a telescope [. Through this telescope I once saw a young daughter of the farmer rush into the arms of her brother, on his return after an absence, radiant with joy. I think this was the only phenomenon of human emotion which I had witnessed for three years. They comprise thirteen versions of the story and six fragments, and include odd pages from an essay on Ellen Terry, Between the Acts, and Reading at Random. He focuses on a farm two miles away, where he spies a farm boy suddenly and passionately embracing a servant girl: [. An extraordinary expression was on their faces; they closed together; they kissed. Variously and strangely, much as human beings live, by ranging hither and thither, by falling in love, and mating together [. They place a few words together for a moment and the reader can "hear the reverberations up valleys and down hills for a long time afterwards. C: the "Freshwater Drafts" During the next several years Woolf returned again and again to edit another set of drafts, in which prefatory remarks are eliminated and the telescope episode is placed within a narrative frame tale. A similar structure obtains in Between the Acts, in which the frame tale occurs in the present day and the players enact scenes from the past.
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Likewise, priming thirsty people with Lipton Ice Tea may increase their choosing the primed brand (Karremans et al. But the subliminal-message hucksters claim something different: a powerful, enduring effect on behavior. Some students thought they were receiving affirmations of self-esteem when they actually were hearing the memory enhancement message. Although subliminally presented stimuli can subtly influence people, experiments discount attempts at subliminal advertising and selfimprovement. A similar result occurred for those who thought they had heard a self-esteem recording. The recordings had no effects, yet the students perceived themselves receiving the benefits they expected. When reading this research, one hears echoes of the testimonies that ooze from the mail-order catalogs. Some customers, having bought what is not supposed to be heard (and having indeed not heard it! His conclusion: "Subliminal procedures offer little or nothing of value to the marketing practitioner" (Pratkanis & Greenwald, 1988). Difference Thresholds To function effectively, we need absolute thresholds low enough to allow us to detect important sights, sounds, textures, tastes, and smells. But not to those of ewes, which I have observed streaking, after shearing, directly to the baa of their lamb amid the chorus of other distressed lambs. The difference threshold, also called the just noticeable difference (jnd), is the minimum difference a person (or sheep) can detect between any two stimuli half the time. Thus, if you add 1 ounce to a 10-ounce weight, you will detect the difference; add 1 ounce to a 100-ounce weight and you probably will not. For the average person to perceive their differences, two lights must differ in intensity by 8 percent. The difference threshold In this computer-generated copy of the Twenty-third Psalm, each line of the typeface changes imperceptibly. Sensory Adaptation "We need above all to know about changes; no one wants or needs to be reminded 16 hours a day that his shoes are on. Sensory adaptation-our diminishing sensitivity to an unchanging stimulus-has come to your rescue. Why, then, if we stare at an object without flinching, does it not vanish from sight? Imagine that we have fitted a volunteer, Mary, with one of these instruments-a miniature projector mounted on · For 9 in 10 people-but for only 1 in 3 of those with schizophrenia-this eye flutter turns off when the eye is following a moving target (Holzman & Matthyss, 1990). Circles represent fixations, and the numbers indicate the time of fixation in milliseconds (300 milliseconds = three-tenths of a second). If we project the profile of a face through such an instrument, what will Mary see? But within a few seconds, as her sensory system begins to fatigue, things will get weird. Bit by bit, the image will vanish, only later to reappear and then disappear-in recognizable fragments or as a whole (Figure 6. Although sensory adaptation reduces our sensitivity, it offers an important benefit: freedom to focus on informative changes in our environment without being distracted by the constant chatter of uninformative background stimulation. Our sensory receptors are alert to novelty; bore them with repetition and they free our attention for more important things. This reinforces a fundamental lesson: We perceive the world not exactly as it is, but as it is useful for us to perceive it. Henderson "My suspicion is that the universe is not only queerer than we suppose, but queerer than we can suppose. In sensation, the transforming of stimulus energies, such as sights, sounds, and smells, into neural impulses our brains can interpret. Sensory thresholds and adaptation are only two of the commonalities shared by the senses. All our senses receive sensory stimulation, transform it into neural information, and deliver that information to the brain.
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By smoking, the experienced user is better able to limit his dose (self-titrate) to a level with which he or she is comfortable and is probably less likely to overdose. By contrast, when the drug is taken by mouth there is a longer period before the drug takes effect, it continues to be absorbed after the user may have concluded he has had enough, and the dose is frequently larger-all factors more likely to result in adverse reactions due to an overdose. Small doses lead to a "drunken" state with numbness of the extremities and in some species produces excitation. Sympathomimetic effects are produced including increases in heart rate and blood pressure. Tolerance from two to four times the original amounts develops if the drug is administered chronically to test animals. He also points out that there have been virtually no studies exploring the neurochemistry of chronic use. The fact that phencyclidine is known by an unusually large number of street names and varies widely in its physical appearance also contributes to confusion in casual user identification. Thus a marked increase in use and in use-related drug emergencies may not be reflected in emergency room or medical examiner statistics. Despite these limitations, there are a number of converging lines of evidence suggesting increased use in recent months. These range from reports of law enforcement agencies on disruption of illegal laboratory production to self-reports by users. While available survey data has definite limitations, they provide minimal estimates of the level of phencyclidine use as well as some short term trend indicators. By contrast, data from the 1977 National Survey suggests that the percentage who had ever used in the 12-17 year-old group had nearly doubled since the earlier survey (5. The likelihood that these increases were simply the result of year to year survey sampling variation is small (less than one in a hundred). Suicide while under the influence of the drug was the cause of death of three additional persons in the California study. During the period from September 1976 to March 1977 interviews were conducted collecting detailed data on patterns of drug abuse for 2750 new clients under age 19. It was more often used than inhalants, sedatives, cocaine and opiates (other than heroin and methadone). Whites were far more likely to report using it than either black or Hispanic clients (42. Several of the papers in this volume provide some insight into this important question both on the basis of user reports and on theoretical grounds. One answer that emerges is that initial reports both in the clinical literature and in the mass media have stressed the negative aspects and failed to note user-perceived more positive aspects. In a major study of some 319 adult users ranging in age from 21 to 38, Siegel (this volume) specifically questioned users regarding the subjective effects of the phencyclidine experience. Effects reported positively included heightened sensitivity to outside stimuli (by 94 percent of users), stimulation (92 percent), dissociation (88 percent), mood elevation (61 percent), inebriation (55 percent), and relaxation or tranquilization (by 55 percent of users). Negative effects reported by the majority of users included perceptual disturbances (by 75 percent), restlessness (by 76 percent), disorientation (63 percent), and anxiety (61 percent). Approximately a quarter to a third of users reported such troublesome effects as paranoia (34 percent), hyperexcitability (27 percent), irritability (22 percent), and mental confusion (22 percent). Fauman and Fauman (this volume) studied twenty-five chronic phencyclidine users under treatment in an Illinois residential treatment program. Given this new normative standard, continued drug use may be important in maintaining it. The excitement of not knowing just how the experience will turn out and the ability to later boast of the risks taken, may convey a certain amount of status, especially in drug-using peer groups (perhaps in a way analogous to the telling of "war stories" by those who have been in the military). Auditory and sometimes visual hallucinations may occur, more frequently at higher doses, and feelings of severe anxiety, impending doom or death may appear and disappear. In typical use, the "high" from a single dose lasts from four to six hours with an even longer "coming down" period. Balster and Chait, this volume) and human reports suggest that a degree of tolerance develops, with increasing doses being required at the end of a "run" to achieve the same effects as at the beginning. Chronic users are reported (Lerner and Burns, this volume) to take the drug in "runs" that may extend over two or three days during which they remain sleepless. Appetite is also reportedly suppressed, resulting in weight losses of ten to thirty-five pounds during repeated periods of chronic use. Following a "run" users need great amounts of sleep and may awaken feeling disoriented and depressed.
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For example, crime rates are higher (and average happiness is lower) in countries marked by a great disparity between rich and poor (Triandis, 1994). Richard Nisbett and Dov Cohen (1996) have shown how violence can vary by culture within a country. Their cultural descendants, Nisbett and Cohen found, have triple the homicide rates and are more supportive of physically punishing children, of warfare initiatives, and of uncontrolled gun ownership than are their White counterparts in New England towns settled by the more traditionally peaceful Puritan, Quaker, and Dutch farmer-artisans. Social influence also appears in high violence rates among cultures and families that experience minimal father care (Triandis, 1994). It is important, however, to note how many people are leading gentle, even heroic lives amid social stresses, reminding us again that individuals differ. That people differ over time and place reminds us that environments also differ, and situations matter. Like all behavior, aggression arises from the interaction of persons and situations. To foster a kinder, gentler world we had best model and reward sensitivity and cooperation from an early age, perhaps by training parents to discipline without modeling violence. Modeling violence-screaming and hitting-is precisely what exasperated parents often do. Parents of delinquent youngsters typically discipline with beatings, thus modeling aggression as a method of dealing with problems (Patterson et al. One aggression-replacement program has brought down re-arrest rates of juvenile offenders and gang members by teaching the youths and their parents communication skills, training them to control anger, and encouraging more thoughtful moral reasoning (Goldstein et al. As people heavily exposed to televised crime perceive the world as more dangerous, so people heavily exposed to pornography see the world as more sexual. We also know from surveys of American and Australian teens and university students that viewing X-rated films and Internet pornography is several times higher among males than among females (Carroll et al. Might sexually explicit media models contribute to sexually-aggressive tendencies? Content analyses reveal that most X-rated films have depicted quick, casual sex between strangers, but that scenes of rape and sexual exploitation of women by men are also common (Cowan et al. Rape scenes often portray the victim at first fleeing and resisting her attacker, but then becoming aroused and finally driven to ecstasy. Most rapists accept this rape myth-the idea that some women invite or enjoy rape and get "swept away" while being "taken" (Brinson, 1992). For example, the Los Angeles Police Department has reported that pornography was "conspicuously present" in 62 percent of its extrafamilial child sexual abuse cases during the 1980s (Bennett, 1991). High pornography consumption also has predicted greater sexual aggressiveness among university men, even after controlling for other predictors of antisocial behavior (Vega & Malamuth, 2007). But are the sexual aggressors merely, as sex researcher John Money (1988) suspected, using pornography "as an alibi to explain to themselves and their captors what otherwise is inexplicable"? In one such experiment, Dolf Zillmann and Jennings Bryant (1984) showed undergraduates six brief, sexually explicit films each week for six weeks. Three weeks later, both groups read a newspaper report about a man convicted but not yet sentenced for raping a hitchhiker. When asked to suggest an appropriate prison term, those who had viewed sexually explicit films recommended sentences half as long as those recommended by the control group. A conference of 21 social scientists, including many of the researchers who conducted these experiments, produced a consensus (Surgeon General, 1986): "Pornography that portrays sexual aggression as pleasurable for the victim increases the acceptance of the use of coercion in sexual relations. Rather, "in laboratory studies measuring short-term effects, exposure to violent pornography increases punitive behavior toward women. Those who study the effects of asbestos exposure on cancer rates may remind us that asbestos is indeed a cancer cause, albeit only one among many. Likewise, report Neil Malamuth and his colleagues (1991, 1995), several factors can create a predisposition to sexual violence. They include the media but also dominance motives, disinhibition by alcohol, and a history of child abuse.